{"id":248,"date":"2026-06-22T20:39:41","date_gmt":"2026-06-22T20:39:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/homemovechronicle.com\/?p=248"},"modified":"2026-06-22T20:39:41","modified_gmt":"2026-06-22T20:39:41","slug":"the-supreme-court-quietly-embraced-clarence-thomas-theory-of-race-its-already-a-disaster","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/homemovechronicle.com\/?p=248","title":{"rendered":"The Supreme Court Quietly Embraced Clarence Thomas\u2019 Theory of Race. It\u2019s Already a Disaster."},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

This is part of <\/em>Opinionpalooza<\/em>, Slate\u2019s coverage of the major decisions from the Supreme Court. Keep up with all of our Supreme Court coverage and analysis by <\/em>signing up for weekly email roundups<\/em>. The best way to support our work\u2014and unlock exclusive legal analysis\u2014is by joining <\/em>Slate Plus<\/em>. (If you are already a member, consider a <\/em>donation<\/em> or <\/em>merch<\/em>!)<\/em><\/p>\n

Read more Rebuilding Community and Restoring Meaning in America<\/a><\/p>\n

On June 2, in an unsigned, 6\u20133 shadow docket , the Supreme Court transformed a fiercely contested theory of racial discrimination into the law of the land. For the first time ever, the court declared that the Constitution is \u201ccolorblind,\u201d and does not tolerate the government\u2019s consideration of race even when its goal is to help <\/em>minorities secure equal rights. The ruling\u2019s immediate impact was to let Alabama hand white voters greater control over its congressional map by eliminating one district held by a Black representative. But the supermajority\u2019s move to constitutionalize \u201ccolorblindness\u201d has sweeping implications in many other areas of the law. And as an by Justices Samuel Alito illustrated on Monday, this novel principle will frequently harm the very racial minorities it ostensibly protects by forcing the government to ignore the realities of racism. The supermajority may trumpet \u201cour colorblind Constitution\u201d as a cure for all racial ills. In practice, however, it more often exacerbates them, entrenching white supremacy under a constitutional guarantee meant to destroy it.<\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

Alito\u2019s opinion, joined by Justice Clarence Thomas, is a textbook example of this distortion. The justice dissented from the Supreme Court\u2019s refusal to hear U.S. v. Carter<\/em>, a case involving racism in policing. After an officer stopped, frisked, and found a gun on Donte Carter, a lower court suppressed the evidence, concluding that Carter\u2019s \u201cracial status as a Black man\u201d was relevant to whether he would have felt free to leave the encounter. Citing evidence that Black men are more likely to comply with police demands during suspicionless stops, the court found that Carter likely felt less free to walk away than a white person would in the same situation.<\/p>\n

Donald Trump\u2019s Department of Justice that decision to SCOTUS, complaining that it rested on \u201can impermissible racial stereotype.\u201d On Monday, the court turned away the case over Alito and Thomas\u2019 dissent. In a brief opinion lodging his objection, Alito complained that the real racism afoot in this case came from the lower court. Its conclusion, he wrote, reflected the \u201cdangerous\u201d belief that a person should \u201cbe treated differently based on statistics, studies, or expert testimony\u201d about \u201cmembers of the racial or ethnic group to which he belongs.\u201d The Constitution, he asserted, does not permit \u201can individual to be treated differently based on a perception that members of\u201d the same race \u201cthink alike.\u201d Rather, \u201cour Constitution is color-blind,\u201d and this kind of \u201cspecial treatment\u201d for Carter clashed with the 14th<\/sup> Amendment\u2019s guarantee of equal protection.<\/p>\n

Alito and Thomas\u2019 play here is not subtle: Having finally shoehorned colorblindness into the law, the justices want to apply it across the board\u2014even though SCOTUS has long held that race is \u201cnot irrelevant\u201d to 4th <\/sup>Amendment analysis. To see why these justices\u2019 expansion of the theory is so pernicious, it\u2019s important to look past the slogan to the history behind it. The claim \u201cour Constitution is colorblind\u201d originated in Justice John Marshall Harlan\u2019s famed dissent in 1896\u2019s Plessy v. Ferguson<\/em>, which held \u201cseparate but equal\u201d laws under the 14th<\/sup> Amendment. Plucked out of context\u2014as today\u2019s conservative judges unfailingly do\u2014it sounds like a flat rejection of any government action that takes race into account.<\/p>\n

But that is not, in fact, how Harlan meant it: In context, his broader argument was that permitting Jim Crow segregation would authorize a racial \u201ccaste\u201d forbidden by the 14th<\/sup> Amendment. He cast no doubt upon race-conscious remedies that the government might take to ensure that \u201call citizens are equal before the law.\u201d In recent decades, though, conservative lawyers, judges, and politicians have seized upon Harlan\u2019s maxim as a rallying cry against any recognition of race by the state, even when its aim is to secure the equal citizenship of Black and brown Americans.<\/p>\n

As a matter of original meaning, this theory of the 14th<\/sup> Amendment is simply false. The lawmakers who wrote and ratified the equal protection clause also enacted laws that took race into account to protect people of color from discrimination. Their stated goal was to dismantle a racial hierarchy, not compel the government to ignore race altogether. Reinterpreting their handiwork to banish all racial considerations is overly simplistic and , relying upon cherry-picked quotes from a few Framers to disregard the Reconstruction Congress\u2019 deeper purpose in passing the amendment. For many years, the Supreme Court refused this two-dimensional conception of equal protection. But it did so over the vigorous dissents of Justice Clarence Thomas, joined by a growing chorus of conservative colleagues who adopted his pseudo-originalist demand for colorblindness.<\/p>\n

Read more Peak Bloom<\/a><\/p>\n

The tide began turning decisively in Thomas\u2019 favor in 2023\u2019s , when the supermajority effectively abolished affirmative action. Even then, though, the court did not commit itself entirely: Chief Justice John Roberts\u2019 majority opinion approvingly quoted Harlan, but stopped short of announcing that colorblindness was now the law. In April\u2019s , it took another step in that direction by gutting the Voting Rights Act on the grounds that protecting Black Americans from racial gerrymandering was, itself, unlawfully racist. Still, the hammer didn\u2019t drop until the court quietly released a follow-up in June that constitutionalized Callais<\/em>and proclaimed, without equivocation, that the Constitution is \u201ccolor-blind.\u201d<\/p>\n

The self-congratulatory tone of this proclamation makes it sound as if the court purged racism itself from American society. Quite the opposite: This jurisprudential flash-bang stripped Congress, courts, states, and territories of their authority to combat racism by recognizing race. The first domino fell one week later, when the Department of Justice gutted disparate-impact liability under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Traditionally, an employer could run afoul of Title VII by imposing policies with a disproportionate impact on one racial group. (One classic example is an aptitude test that has nothing to do with job ability but favors white applicants over Black ones.)<\/p>\n

This conception of the law, DOJ held, conflicted with \u201cour colorblind Constitution,\u201d because it \u201cspurs employers to engage in race-based decisionmaking to avoid liability.\u201d (This is another way of saying that it cautions employers against adopting policies that disproportionately harm people of color.) For support, DOJ cited the Supreme Court\u2019s recent redistricting decisions. It instructed the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to end its \u201cunconstitutional reading of Title VII\u201d and authorize disparate-impact suits exclusively to \u201csmoke out intentional discrimination.\u201d This logic will hamstring enforcement of federal disparate-impact protections in other areas, including education, housing, and credit. It\u2019ll make it harder for people of color to win lawsuits against employers, landlords, and banks whose ostensibly neutral policies perpetuate racial exclusion. And all this will be done in the name of promoting racial equality. Is that really what Justice Harlan wanted?<\/p>\n

In fairness, if the Supreme Court\u2019s conservative supermajority really committed itself to rigid colorblindness, there would be some<\/em> benefits for racial minorities. The court could, for instance, stand guard against government persecution of Black and brown communities that\u2019s rooted in the \u201cracial stereotypes\u201d Alito bemoaned. Alas, when presented with this opportunity, the Republican-appointed justices whiffed: In September, they a lower court decision that had limited Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u2019s ability to detain Latinos on the basis of ethnicity. Justice Brett Kavanaugh\u2019s notorious concurrence insisted that the Constitution does not <\/em>prohibit immigration officers from using \u201capparent ethnicity\u201d as a factor in deciding whom to stop and interrogate. So the court\u2019s newfound colorblindness appears to be a one-way ratchet. It appears whenever the supermajority needs to shoot down race-conscious remedies for discrimination against minorities. And it vanishes whenever the Trump administration seeks permission to target Latinos because of their race.<\/p>\n

An equal protection clause that kicks in when the government wants to help racial minorities and disappears when it wants to hurt them is no protection at all. Alito knows this. So do Thomas and his other conservative colleagues. What these justices are constructing is not a colorblind Constitution but a reality-blind Constitution that twists the 14th<\/sup> Amendment to mean the opposite of what its Framers intended. They knew that sometimes the government must acknowledge race to battle racism, and left it free to do just that. Now\u2014in voting rights, policing, employment discrimination, and much more to come\u2014the Supreme Court is enlisting colorblindness in the service of racial subordination. \u201cThe colorblind Constitution\u201d is a catchy, memorable way to think about equal protection. It may also be the death of it.<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more This Is the Week J.D. Vance Became Vice President<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The conservative supermajority\u2019s move to constitutionalize \u201ccolorblindness\u201d has sweeping implications in many other areas of the law.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":247,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[28,11,73,92,29,15],"class_list":["post-248","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-jurisprudence","tag-clarence-thomas","tag-jurisprudence","tag-opinionpalooza-2026","tag-racism","tag-samuel-alito","tag-supreme-court"],"yoast_head":"\nThe Supreme Court Quietly Embraced Clarence Thomas\u2019 Theory of Race. 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