{"id":211,"date":"2026-06-16T10:05:54","date_gmt":"2026-06-16T10:05:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/homemovechronicle.com\/?p=211"},"modified":"2026-06-16T10:05:54","modified_gmt":"2026-06-16T10:05:54","slug":"has-an-idaho-doctor-discovered-a-loophole-in-dobbs","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/homemovechronicle.com\/?p=211","title":{"rendered":"Has an Idaho Doctor Discovered a Loophole in Dobbs?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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This is part of <\/em>Opinionpalooza<\/em>, Slate\u2019s coverage of the major decisions from the Supreme Court. Keep up with all of our Supreme Court coverage and analysis by <\/em>signing up for weekly email roundups<\/em>. The best way to support our work\u2014and unlock exclusive legal analysis\u2014is by joining <\/em>Slate Plus<\/em>. (If you are already a member, consider a <\/em>donation<\/em> or <\/em>merch<\/em>!)<\/em><\/p>\n

Read more Is Trump\u2019s Iran Deal for Real?<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

Last week, an Idaho doctor challenging vague exceptions in the state\u2019s abortion ban testified at the start of a major trial that will test a surprising question: Four years after the fall of Roe v. Wade<\/em>, is there actually some right<\/em> to abortion that the federal Constitution still<\/em> protects?<\/p>\n

The plaintiff in the case, Stacy Seyb, practiced medicine at St. Luke\u2019s Hospital in Boise for more than 20 years before the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade<\/em>. He specializes in treating high-risk pregnancies, from cases of eclampsia, hypertension, or gestational diabetes to patients with multiple fetuses. But under Idaho law, any physician who acts to \u201ccause the death of the unborn child\u201d violates the law, even when providing emergency care to patients with desperately wanted pregnancies.<\/p>\n

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To an extent that few, if any, contemplated, the court\u2019s decision in has put the burden of Roe<\/em>\u2019s reversal on Seyb\u2019s patients\u2014patients seeking to bear children. While many women have circumvented abortion bans by utilizing telehealth options and abortion pills, those bans have inflicted harms on women seeking to bear children that cannot be so easily evaded. Physicians treating patients with wanted <\/em>pregnancies and serious complications are chilled by the threat of criminal prosecution. That has led to a lower quality of care for miscarrying patients, pregnant women being denied treatment for cancer, and women in labor being turned away from emergency rooms or being airlifted out of state. Problems of this very kind led Dr. Seyb to ask whether the Constitution\u2014even in the wake of Dobbs<\/em>\u2014provides protection to physicians and their patients when state criminal law jeopardized a pregnant woman\u2019s life or health<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Lawyers for Seyb and other plaintiffs in the Idaho case emphasize that Dobbs<\/em> does not appear to be a barrier to advancing these constitutional claims. The question that the Supreme Court answered in 2022 was whether \u201call pre-viability prohibitions on elective<\/em> abortions are unconstitutional.\u201d In focusing on elective abortion procedures, the court didn\u2019t address all<\/em> procedures<\/em> for terminating a pregnancy.<\/p>\n

The history of the term \u201celective abortions\u201d illustrates just how ambiguous the term \u201cabortion\u201d is, a central issue in Seyb\u2019s case.\u00a0The medical profession played an important role in advocating laws banning abortion in the mid-19th<\/sup> century, which typically contained life exceptions. Courts enforcing this new body of law judged terminations for saving a woman\u2019s life as lawful and interpreted that exception expansively, giving doctors in good professional standing considerable discretion in determining when terminating pregnancy was needed. Physicians popularized the distinction between \u201celective\u201d and \u201ctherapeutic\u201d or medically indicated abortions in the 1950s and 1960s to shield themselves from prosecutions and lawsuits, distinguishing needed abortions for sympathetic patients from \u201celective\u201d procedures that hospital committees would refuse.<\/p>\n

Then and now, the line between elective and therapeutic abortion has never been based on science alone. Exactly what kinds of injuries must a pregnant woman suffer before a termination is lawful?<\/p>\n

All this contributes to the confusion about what the Supreme Court decided in striking down Roe<\/em>. Dobbs<\/em> in fact rejected only a right to an \u201celective\u201d abortion. Avoiding death or serious medical harm might be different, even for the current Supreme Court. That\u2019s exactly the constitutional argument Seyb is pressing.<\/p>\n

In May 2024, Seyb filed a federal lawsuit arguing that the federal Constitution protects a right to abortion when a patient faces \u201cserious medical risks or the pregnancy is medically futile.\u201d Idaho tried to have the case . The state pointed to Dobbs<\/em>, which held that any right not enumerated in the Constitution had to be deeply rooted in the nation\u2019s history and tradition. Dobbs <\/em>said the right to abortion failed this test, Idaho argued, demonstrating Seyb had no case.<\/p>\n

In a decision last February, though, District Judge Lynn Winmill disagreed, speaking about doctors\u2019 rights and women\u2019s rights in the language . The judge emphasized that Dobbs <\/em>focused on a right to elective abortion, while Seyb\u2019s case \u201ctests how far Idaho may go when a woman\u2019s pregnancy severely endangers her health.\u201d The case was not about \u201cthe general right to abortion,\u201d he explained, \u201cbut the right to self-preservation.\u201d<\/p>\n

Dobbs<\/em> analyzed the question of abortion under a history-and-tradition standard. \u00a0Judge Winmill observed that the nation\u2019s history and traditions recognized \u201ca right to self-protection and self-preservation\u201d permitting otherwise unlawful acts \u201cwhen necessary to prevent harm to oneself or another.\u201d The judge then asked whether it \u201chistorically encompassed the right to medically indicated abortions\u201d and found \u201cweighty evidence of a historical right to an abortion when necessary to save the life<\/em> of a pregnant woman,\u201d and considerable evidence of state practice extending that tradition to the protection of her health<\/em> as well.<\/p>\n

Read more Trump Says the Deal With Iran Is Complete. Not So Fast.<\/a><\/p>\n

Here, the judge suggested there was precedent for the right to self-defense covering \u201cinjuries to life or limb.\u201d He noted that Idaho was not providing pregnant women the protections the right of self-defense provided in other contexts; consider a gun fight. He drew this blunt comparison: \u201cNormally, a person has the right to kill another person who means to do grave harm. \u2026 In Idaho, however, pregnant women must endure all manner of injuries short of death to avoid compromising the potential life they carry.\u201d<\/p>\n

Did the nation\u2019s history and traditions set up this double standard and \u201callow Idaho to compel this sacrifice\u201d? Winmill observed that Seyb had produced significant evidence to the contrary.<\/p>\n

Today self-defense has become inextricably linked with the Second Amendment. But in a remarkable turn, the Seyb<\/em> trial is asking whether there is still a right to abortion protected by the federal Constitution, reasoning under Dobbs<\/em>\u2019 history-and-tradition framework, and looking to the right to self-to-defense to help answer that question.<\/p>\n

To define the contours of that right, courts will look to history and tradition, just as Justice Samuel Alito did in Dobbs. <\/em>Of course, it\u2019s not exactly clear how this test is supposed to work. What kind of evidence can (or must) a court consider?<\/p>\n

A few things do seem straightforward. For the court in Dobbs<\/em>, 19th<\/sup>-century abortion bans provided the most important historical evidence, even if those laws were passed when women and people of color couldn\u2019t vote.<\/p>\n

In an odd twist, the very same statutes on which the Dobbs c<\/em>ourt fixated in fact help Seyb. From the very beginning, these laws have included exceptions for the life of the mother. As we have shown, courts long interpreted these life exceptions to protect physicians acting in good faith to preserve a patient\u2019s life\u2014and these actors construed \u201clife\u201d generously and with deference to physicians\u2019 professional judgment.<\/p>\n

Physicians themselves understood this tradition of protecting health as reaching beyond cases in which a patient\u2019s death was imminent. In the 19th<\/sup> century, physicians discussing \u201cthe right of the mother to self-preservation\u201d applied that right to patients who were \u201cmentally unfit [and] might become deranged,\u201d women at risk of hemorrhage or eclampsia, and \u201cthose suffering from dangerous diseases.\u201d Historical evidence establishes a long-standing custom of not enforcing criminal abortion laws in cases in which a woman\u2019s life or health were at risk.<\/p>\n

Idaho argues that our history and tradition allow states to force women to endure any injury short of death to minimize any risk to the life they carry. In practical terms, this amounts to a claim that patients must risk their lives too, given that physicians facing the loss of their professional futures and liberty will sometimes wait too long before they intervene. Perhaps the Supreme Court will allow states to force women to die in the name of protecting prenatal life. But that outcome won\u2019t be rooted in our history and tradition, even on Dobbs<\/em>\u2019 own terms.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s true that Seyb might not win\u2014and his case won\u2019t spell the end of Dobbs<\/em>, even if he does. But Seyb focuses attention on the sacrifices the state can require in pregnancy. And the case will dramatize how the rhetoric of ban states diverges from their policy choices. Seyb showcases that ban states have a taste for the carceral\u2014that states interested in protecting life have done so only by criminalizing more people and conduct, while doing less to address infant or maternal mortality, and while attaching little weight to the lives of women themselves.<\/p>\n

The first major cases that the Supreme Court decides after Dobbs<\/em> will tell a story about what the demise of abortion rights means for all of us. Stacy Seyb believes that the fall of Roe<\/em> surely cannot mean that women will have to sacrifice their health and lives. If he is wrong, we will have to ask ourselves with even greater urgency how long we can live with Dobbs.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

Read more Alabama\u2019s Post-Callais Maps Violate a COVID-Era Clause in the State Constitution<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

An Idaho doctor challenging vague exceptions in the state\u2019s abortion ban testified at the start of a major trial that will test a surprising question.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":210,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[27,159,18,11,73,29,15],"class_list":["post-211","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-jurisprudence","tag-abortion","tag-idaho","tag-judiciary","tag-jurisprudence","tag-opinionpalooza-2026","tag-samuel-alito","tag-supreme-court"],"yoast_head":"\nHas an Idaho Doctor Discovered a Loophole in Dobbs? - Home Move Chronicle<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/homemovechronicle.com\/?p=211\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Has an Idaho Doctor Discovered a Loophole in Dobbs? 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